66 Revolutions — Nav Nirman Movement

The 1974 Gujarat Nav Nirman or reconstruction movement was the collective outcry of people against corruption in public life. This was the first and last successful agitation after Independence that ousted an elected government. It inspired Jayaprakash Narayan to launch the “total revolution” movement, the outcome of which was the Emergency and not a resurgence of public morality. Chimanbhai Patel became the chief minister of Gujarat in 1973, his reputation for corruption winning instant protest from students and teachers. READ MORE:

From past tense to future perfect, the journey of India
Expectations for radical politics were running high at the time, courtesy Indira Gandhi’s Garibi Hatao campaign. The urban middle class was unhappy because of the high price of essential commodities while the countryside was demanding minimum wages and food security. But what sparked off the agitation was student protests in Ahmedabad in December, 1973 because of the high mess bills and poor quality of food. There were clashes between the police and students, and the students’ committee, later known as the Nav Nirman Yuvak Samiti, was formed to voice grievances. An indefinite strike in schools and colleges was called from January 7. Their demand was reduction in educational fees, more campus facilities, distribution of quality food and arrest of black marketeers. Students protest in Ahmedabad in 1974

The call for Patel’s resignation now became vociferous. The Ahmedabad and Vadodara bandh of January 10 turned into widespread riots for two days. On January 25, the day of the Gujarat bandh, the government imposed a curfew in 44 towns and the agitation spread throughout Gujarat. Dissident leaders of the ruling party also openly supported the agitation. Under mounting pressure, Indira Gandhi asked Patel to step down. He resigned on February 9. The governor suspended the state assembly and President’s rule was imposed. While agitators were celebrating Patel’s resignation, another section insisted on the dissolution of the assembly. Uprisings spread to the countryside. Opposition parties led the demand for dissolution, with leaders like Ravishankar Maharaj and Jayaprakash Narayan showing support. The resignation of 15 Congress (O) MLAs triggered the next phase of the agitation.

By March, students had got 95 of 167 to resign. Morarji Desai, leader of Congress (O), went on an indefinite fast on March 12 in support of the demand. On March 16, the assembly was dissolved. Nav Nirman was a buzz word for students and their mentors. But their value system was no different from the politicians they were combating and the agitation had no effect on arresting corruption. Patel became chief minister again with BJP support in 1990, emerging as an icon of Gujarat’s development, while the agitation provided Narendra Modi, who was working as an organiser of RSS and ABVP during the movement, an opportunity to carve out his political space. In hindsight, Nav Nirman provided ground for reactionary forces to flourish.

Read more at: http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/Pulse+of+the+people/1/2727.html

Nav Nirman
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Nav Nirman Andolan (Re-invention or Re-construction movement) was a socio-political movement that occurred in 1974 in Gujarat. It was students and middle class people’s movement against economic crisis and corruption in public life. This was the only successful agitation that resulted in dissolution of an elected government.[1][2][3] Contents [hide] * 1 Incidents * 1.1 Early student protests * 1.2 Political incidents * 1.3 Consequences * 2 After effects * 3 Significance * 4 See also * 5 References * 6 Further reading

[edit]Incidents
Chimanbhai Patel became the chief minister of Gujarat in July 1973 replacing Ghanshyam Oza. There were allegations of corruptions on him.[2] Urban middle class was facing economic crisis due to high prices of foods.[2][1][3] [edit]Early student protests

On 20 December 1973, students of L.D. College of Engineering, Ahmedabad went on strike in protest against 20% hike in hostel food bill.[4] The same type
of strike also organised on 3 January 1974 resulted in clashes between the police and students which provoked students across Gujarat. An indefinite strike started on 7 January in educational institutes. Their demand was related to food and education.[1]People from middle class and some factory workers also joined protests in Ahmedabad who also attacked some ration shops.[2] Students, lawyers and professors formed a committee, later known as the Nav Nirman Yuvak Samiti, to voice grievances and guide protests.[2][1] Protesters demanded Chimanbhai Patel’s resignation. A strike on 10 January turned violent in Ahmedabad and Vadodara for two days.[1] A statewide strike was organised on 25 January 1974 resulted in clashes between police and people at least in 33 towns.[2] while the government imposed a curfew in 44 towns and the agitation spread throughout Gujarat.[1] The army was called in to restore peace inAhmedabad on 28 January 1974.[2] [edit]Political incidents

Morarji Desai
Due to pressure of protests, Indira Gandhi asked Chimanbhai Patel to resign. He resigned on 9 February.[1][3] The governor suspended the state assembly and imposed President’s rule. Opposition partie demanded dissolution of state assembly.[2]Congress had 140 out of 167 MLAs in state assembly. The resignation of 15Congress (O) MLAs on 16 February[2] triggered the next phase of the agitation. Three Jan Sangh MLAs also resigned. By March, students had got 95 of 167 to resign. Morarji Desai, leader of Congress (O), went on an indefinite fast on 12 March in support of the demand. On 16 March, the assembly was dissolved bringing end to agitation.[2][1][3] At least 100 died, 1,000 to 3,000 were injured, and 8,000 arrested during the movement.[2][3] [edit]Consequences

Nav Nirman Yuvak Samiti demended fresh elections and opposition parties supported it. Morarji Desai again went on indefinite fast on 6 April 1975 to support it.[2]Finally Indira Gandhi gave in and fresh elections were held on 10 June and result declared on 12 June 1975. Verdict on Indira Gandhi’s electoral malpractice declared the same day which later resulted in Emergency.[2] Meanwhile Chimanbhai Patel formed new party named Kisan Mazdoor Lok Paksh and contested on his own.Congress lost elections which won only 75 seats. Coalition of Congress (O), Jan Sangh, PSP and Lok Dal known as Janata Morcha won 88 seats and Babubhai J. Patel became Chief Minister. This government lasted nine months and president’s rule imposed in March 1976.[3] Congress won elections in December 1976 and Madhav Singh Solanki became Chief Minister.[2][3]

After effects
Jayaprakash Narayan visited Gujarat on 11 February 1974 after Chimanbhai Patel’s resign though he was not involved in movement. Bihar Movement was already started in Bihar. It inspired him to led it and turn it into total revolution movement which resulted in Emergency.[1][2] Later Janata Morcha became precursor of Janata Party which formed first non-Congress government winning general election againstIndira Gandhi in 1977 and Morarji Desai became Prime Minister.[5][6][3] Congress formed new caste based election combination known as KHAM (Kshtriya-Harijan-Adivasi-Muslim)to elevate them in politics. Upper caste sensed it as end of their political importance and reacted strong against imposition of Reservations in 1981. [4] It ultimately provoked the anti-Mandal riots in 1985, which later turned anti-Muslim which helped rise of the BJP in Gujarat.[7] Chimanbhai Patel became chief minister again with BJP support in 1990 again.[2] The agitation helped local leaders of RSS and its student organization ABVP to establish themselves in politics. Narendra Modi who later became chief minister of Gujarat was one of them.[2] –

[edit]Significance
It reflected middle class people and students anger due to economical crisis and corruption in government prevalent at that time. It also showed people’s power to change government by forcing to resign by protesting.[2] It does not resulted in upliftment in morality in politics or people but helped some parties to establish themselves in politics.[2]

Lok nayak Jayaprakash Narayan addressing a rally. The 1974 Navnirman movement in Gujarat was his prototype. IN HISTORY 1974… Is This Really As Real?

The raging storm for Anna has past parallels: in its flaring up, and probable blowing out SHEELA REDDY
Of course there’s a big difference between JP’s movement and that of Anna’s. And I’m not talking of how one was led by a seasoned politician—however ambiguous his ideology and political affiliation—while the other, Anna Hazare, is more like a “neighbourhood elder”, as Ashis Nandy memorably puts it: “familiar, unassuming and perhaps slightly dumb”. It’s something else that separates them—Jayaprakash Narayan stumbled on his movement, almost by accident, weeks after it had started—a spontaneous outburst of public rage against corrupt politicians. Anna, however surprised he might privately be by the enthused masses he’s attracting, is certainly not hanging on to the tailcoats of youthful protesters. JP claimed he was inspired by Gujarat’s student protesters. Anna, on the other hand, is the inspiration behind his own movement. JP’s movement was sparked off not by JP but by a bunch of engineering college students in Ahmedabad whom we’ve long forgotten. They were protesting a steep hike in their canteen bills in December 1973.

Protests and strikes were hardly unusual in the ’70s, with its food shortages, escalating prices, caps on government salaries. But when people began blaming the price rise on politicians, accusing them of colluding with traders and blackmarketeers, it was a portent. Instead of taking heed, the then chief minister of Gujarat, Chimanbhai Patel, carried on as most CMs of his day did, and still do: please the boss, Indira Gandhi in this case, and forget the people until the next elections. Ordered by the Congress high command to contribute his share to the party’s poll funds, Patel got into a deal with the state’s peanut oil traders. In exchange for the donations he asked for, he agreed to look the other way while they overcharged consumers. It was the spark that lit a mass movement that overthrew him. Like Anna’s team, the students in L.D. Engineering College, Ahmedabad, could have hardly expected the response they got.

But they had touched a raw nerve. When they gave a call for an Ahmedabad bandh on January 10, 1974, to protest against the government they blamed for rising prices, nearly everyone joined in: workers, school and college teachers’ associations, employees of banks and insurance companies, sarkari workers and, of course, opposition parties. Having tasted blood, the students went further: the next day, egged on by opposition parties, they formed the Navnirman Yuva Samiti (Youth Organisation for Regeneration), organising agitations across Gujarat. The protests—and attendant rioting—spread to Baroda, Surat and other towns. In the battle of people versus an elected government, it was the people’s movement that gathered momentum, despite the 85 killed in police firings. The students now went for the jugular, demanding the resignation of the Chimanbhai government—with a majority of 140 in a house of 168—and dissolution of the state assembly. Helpless against the unstoppable masses, and incapable of consensus politics, Indira Gandhi gave in, imposing President’s rule and putting the state assembly under suspension, on February 9, 1974.

 Like Anna’s team, the Navnirman movement’s leaders hardly expected the massive popular support they received.
But even this wasn’t enough for the triumphant Navnirman students. They demanded that she dissolve the House and call fresh elections. This is when JP came on the scene, arriving in Ahmedabad two days after the imposition of President’s rule. A failed Marxist and revolutionary, an ex-Gandhian and Bhoodan leader and still groping in the dark for an effective political strategy, the students saw no reason to embrace JP as their leader. Instead, as JP confessed later, it was the Navnirman movement that inspired him to adopt a new political strategy. “I wasted two years trying to bring about a politics of consensus. It came to nothing,” he wrote in a magazine article in August 1974. “Then I saw students in Gujarat bring about a political change with the backing of the people…and I knew this was the way out.” Like JP, there were other political leaders trying to clamber onto the Navnirman bandwagon.

One of them was Morarji Desai. Eager to retrieve lost ground, he joined other opposition leaders in demanding that the House be dissolved. They egged on the students to gherao Congress mlas to force them to resign. Several of them did, but it didn’t suffice. Eventually, Morarji resorted to that time-worn weapon of Indian politicians: an indefinite fast. The blackmail worked: within four days, the Centre—unnerved by the consequences—dissolved the assembly. Morarji broke his fast soon after. Having achieved their goal, the student leaders scattered, and their mass movement petered off. But many felt the success of the Navnirman movement set a bad precedent for Indian democracy. “Congratulations poured in for the success of the students’ efforts from many quarters,” recalls P.N. Dhar in his memoir, Indira Gandhi, the ‘Emergency’ and Indian Democracy.

“Nobody shed a tear for the demise of the rule of law and constitutional means of changing governments.” It was true. The Navnirman wasn’t the first mass movement against an elected government. There had been several protest movements against specific public policies in Nehru’s time. Like the mass movements in 1956 organised by the Samyukta Maharashtra Samiti and the Maha Gujarat Janata Parishad for the division of then Bombay state into Maharashtra and Gujarat. The movements sprang up spontaneously, swelled, accomplished their goal, then faded out, with their leaders seamlessly integrating into the political process. Likewise with the mass movement to oppose the imposition of Hindi as the sole official language.

Ground swell The crowds at New Delhi’s Ramlila Maidan. (Photograph by Tribhuvan Tiwari) Such older protests were dealt with differently, in what was a crucial difference: the changing nature of our governments. For Nehru, the touchstone of a true democracy was the quality of its government’s response to a protest movement. Till he was at the helm, the aim of his government was political consensus with the protesting masses. His daughter replaced it with a politics of stonewalling, forcing her opponents into confrontational politics. | | |

The more politically ambitious JP became, the more followers he lost. They’d chosen him for not being a politician.
JP didn’t have to wait very long to try out this new political strategy against an unbending government. Within a month, in April 1974, student leaders in Bihar, who had started a similar movement against rising prices and tuition fees and demanding action against hoarders, profiteers and blackmarketeers, invited JP to lead their movement. It was a golden chance for him: Bihar—economically backward and worse governed than Gujarat—was ripe for a revolution. All JP needed was a spark: the student movement would provide him this. JP set only one condition: he would assume full command of the movement. Within weeks, Bihar witnessed the kind of mass movement it hadn’t seen since the freedom struggle: starting with dharnas, silent processions, “black days”, and soon widening into a demand for the dissolution of the assembly. As the movement gathered momentum, JP gave a call to his masses to paralyse the government at every level, close colleges, not pay taxes, gherao the state assembly and government offices, and set up parallel governments all over the state.

The next step: to topple Indira Gandhi. But gradually a curious thing happened: the more ambitious JP became politically, the more disenchanted became his supporters. Huge crowds came, of course, to hear him wherever he went, he began to be admired by other politicians, but somehow the spark went out of the movement he’d created in Bihar. His student followers trickled back to their classes, the spontaneity and appeal died out and by September-October 1974, the JP movement had reached its dead-end. It’s the inevitable course that all protest movements take, according to historian Bipan Chandra. “There was nothing surprising about the movement declining after a few months,” Chandra writes in his book, In The Name Of Democracy:

The JP movement and the Emergency. “A popular movement…cannot be carried on for a long time at a fever pitch. What was surprising was Jayaprakash’s belief that he could do so.” But there was another reason why his supporters became disenchanted. They chose him because he wasn’t the usual politician; now he was dangerously close to, if not becoming one himself, at least keeping their company. JP was, like Anna, a symbol of people’s disgust with politicians—the renunciate who had rejected Nehru’s offer of a cabinet post. “A sanyasi passionately involved in public affairs,” as Dhar puts it. And then, somewhere along the way, he lost his way—used by the opposition and then cast off. So are they futile, then, these mass movements, setting out with their limited goals—remove a government or a bill, and replace it with another? Fading out as suddenly as they sprang up, leaving no mark behind? Not at all, says Nandy, who’s never forgotten what a leader of the JP movement once told him: “These movements never die. Just when you think you’ve put it out, it catches fire somewhere else.” A million Annas waiting to happen?

Nav Nirman Andolan (Re-invention or Re-construction movement) was a socio-political movement that occurred in 1974 in Gujarat. It was students and middle class people’s movement against economic crisis and corruption in public life. This was the only successful agitation that resulted in dissolution of an elected government. Contents * 1 Incidents * 1.1 Early student protests * 1.2 Political incidents * 1.3 Consequences * 2 After effects * 3 Significance * 4 See also * 5 References * 6 Further reading| Incidents

Chimanbhai Patel became the chief minister of Gujarat in July 1973 replacing Ghanshyam Oza. There were allegations of corruptions on him. Urban middle class was facing economic crisis due to high prices of foods. Early student protests

On 20 December 1973, students of L.D. College of Engineering, Ahmedabad went on strike in protest against 20% hike in hostel food bill. The same type of strike also organised on 3 January 1974 resulted in clashes between the police and students which provoked students acrossGujarat. An indefinite strike started on 7 January in educational institutes. Their demand was related to food and education. People from middle class and some factory workers also joined protests in Ahmedabad who also attacked some ration shops. Students, lawyers and professors formed a committee, later known as the Nav Nirman Yuvak Samiti, to voice grievances and guide protests. Protesters demanded Chimanbhai Patel’s resignation. A strike on 10 January turned violent inAhmedabad and Vadodara for two days. A statewide strike was organised on 25 January 1974 resulted in clashes between police and people at least in 33 towns. while the government imposed a curfew in 44 towns and the agitation spread throughout Gujarat. The army was called in to restore peace in Ahmedabad on 28 January 1974. Political incidents

Morarji Desai
Due to pressure of protests, Indira Gandhi askedChimanbhai Patel to resign. He resigned on 9 February. The governor suspended the state assembly and imposed President’s rule. Opposition partie demanded dissolution of state assembly.Congress had 140 out of 167 MLAs in state assembly. The resignation of 15 Congress (O) MLAs on 16 February triggered the next phase of the agitation. Three Jan Sangh MLAs also resigned. By March, students had got 95 of 167 to resign. Morarji Desai, leader of Congress (O), went on an indefinite fast on 12 March in support of the demand. On 16 March, the assembly was dissolved bringing end to agitation. At least 100 died, 1,000 to 3,000 were injured, and 8,000 arrested during the movement. Consequences

Nav Nirman Yuvak Samiti demended fresh elections and opposition parties supported it. Morarji Desai again went on indefinite fast on 6 April 1975 to support it. Finally Indira Gandhi gave in and fresh elections were held on 10 June and result declared on 12 June 1975. Verdict on Indira Gandhi’s electoral malpractice declared the same day which later resulted in Emergency. Meanwhile Chimanbhai Patel formed new party named Kisan Mazdoor Lok Paksh and contested on his own. Congress lost elections which won only 75 seats. Coalition of Congress (O), Jan Sangh, PSP and Lok Dal known as Janata Morcha won 88 seats and Babubhai J. Patel became Chief Minister. This government lasted nine months and president’s rule imposed in March 1976.Congress won elections in December 1976 and Madhav Singh Solanki became Chief Minister. After effects

Jayaprakash Narayan visited Gujarat on 11 February 1974 after Chimanbhai Patel’s resign though he was not involved in movement. Bihar Movement was already started in Bihar. It inspired him to led it and turn it into total revolution movement which resulted in Emergency. Later Janata Morchabecame precursor of Janata Party which formed first non-Congress government winning general election against Indira Gandhi in 1977 and Morarji Desai became Prime Minister. Congress formed new caste based election combination known as KHAM (Kshtriya-Harijan-Adivasi-Muslim)to elevate them in politics. Upper caste sensed it as end of their political importance and reacted strong against imposition of Reservations in 1981. It ultimately provoked the anti-Mandal riots in 1985, which later turned anti-Muslim which helped rise of the BJP inGujarat. Chimanbhai Patel became chief minister again with BJP support in 1990 again. The agitation helped local leaders of RSS and its student organization ABVP to establish themselves in politics. Narendra Modi who later became chief minister of Gujarat was one of them. Significance

It reflected middle class people and students anger due to economical crisis and corruption in government prevalent at that time. It also showed people’s power to change government by forcing to resign by protesting. It does not resulted in upliftment in morality in politics or people but helped some parties to establish themselves in politics.